Post by Sabot Cat on Jul 29, 2017 23:57:12 GMT
Chapter 17: Glorious Little War
The Battle of Batan Island was the first in the Chinese intervention in the Katagalugan Civil War, wherein the Heavenly Navy and the Imperial Domineering Air Force severely crippled the offensive capability of the Tagalog National Navy in its entirety over the course of three days. After establishing a beachhead, the Holy Imperial Army began to make inroads in Luzon. Nationalist and Bayanihanist guerrillas exchanged fire throughout the campaign, with the former shredding the inexperience HIA with all of their fighting knowledge gleaned from battling the more battle-hardened French colonial forces.
The Holy Chinese Empire pressured the Empire of Japan to cease its support of the Nationalist forces, and threatened to invade Korea to oust the pro-Japanese government there, something France was never willing to do. As a show of force, on July 15th 1963, the biggest chemical weapons attack at that point in history was carried out by the IDAF, which dropped numerous nerve agents on the Nationalist soldiers defending Manila. Hundreds of thousands of enemy troops and civilians died in the attack. Field Marshal Yang Yaowen said this in English during a radio broadcast aimed at the Nationalist forces: “We will bomb and gas every god forsaken jungle, village and city that sides with the Nationalist dogs.”
The Commander-in-Chief of the Tagalog Armed Forces, Aklan Aguinaldo, retreated from Manila and declared “we shall never surrender! Not to the French, and certainly not to the Chinese!” Nonetheless, the Empire of Japan renegotiated the Tagalog-Japanese Treaty of Friendship with Bayanihanist leader, Paul “Papa Paul” Marquez, and Prime Minister Hong Wenchang, renouncing Japanese basing rights, preferential tariffs, equal access to resources, and other provisions. Japan also promised to remain uninvolved in the region “in perpetuity”.
With the Nationalist forces without their outside supplier, Papa Paul felt secure enough in his position to establish the Bayanihanist Republic of Katagalugan in Manila, stating: “we will not be free until the legacy of colonialism is stamped out of our homeland. We will water the garden of true democracy with the blood of the bourgeoisie, clergymen, and collaborators.” The Holy Chinese Empire slowly withdrew its ground forces, and sold military equipment to the fledgling state by 1964. The Katagalugan Civil War continued on with the Nationalist insurgency against the Bayanihanist government, which was beginning to intensify, but the public viewed the war as a massive victory for China over Japan.
The 1965 elections were thus kind to incumbent Prime Minister Hong:
445- Virtuous Liberty Party
103- New Order Association
63- Social Syndicalist Party
39- Pingnan Guo Reclamation Party
13- Manchurian Independence Party
(332 Majority, 662 Total)
The Virtuous Liberty Party had won a two-thirds majority in its own right in the People's House. In many constituencies, the vote was split between the New Order Association and the Social Syndicalist Party, which were nearly even in the polls and ultimately in the popular vote totals despite the differing seat levels.
“I'll always be thankful for that glorious little war,” said Prime Minister Hong in his journals.
Chapter 18: New Challenges, New Freedoms
Open ascending to his second term as Prime Minister, Hong Wenchang used his two-thirds majority in the People's House to renovate the Holy Chinese Empire's transportation. The National Public Roads Initiative (NPRI) saw the laying of kilometers upon kilometers of paved roads for use by automobiles, while the government also slashed taxes on gasoline to almost non-existent levels. The Holy Imperial Army was used extensively as construction workers, as the Imperial Council sharply criticized the NPRI for cutting taxes while increasing spending, causing a dramatic upward tick in both debt and economic growth.
Meanwhile, Kǒng Dafa of the New Order Association resigned from the party and retired from the politics due to the disappointing results of the 1965 elections. On March 21st 1966, New Order Representatives voted in Zhou Ming of the Social Syndicalist Party as their new party Chairman, who then announced the combination of the two center-left parties as the New Social Party of China. The “'66 Platform” promised an end to the gold standard, more progressive taxation, reintroduction of anti-Trust legislation, and a drastic reduction of military spending. “Prime Minister Hong doesn't under finance,” said Representative Ming, “you can't just spend and spend like there's no tomorrow while letting the market run wild. We need a compassionate austerity to preserve our prosperity.”
Domestic policy soon took a backseat to foreign policy however as on September 7th 1968, the Katagalugan Civil War came to a close. The Tagalog National Armed Forces defeated the Bayanihanist government, but not before the latter had massacred over 2.3 million civilians in the Katagalugan Genocide (1963-1967). Paul “Papa Paul” Marquez shot himself as the Nationalists closed in on his bunker in Manila, but his living subordinates were found guilty of crimes against humanity by the World Court. Commander Aklan Aguinaldo was subsequently elected President of Katagalugan with almost no opposition.
A general human rights inquiry published in October 1968 by the International Liberty League condemned the Holy Chinese Empire for “waging a war of aggression, using chemical weapons, explicitly failing to recognize the difference between combatant and civilian, and aiding a government itself guilty of committing crimes against humanity” during the course of the conflict. To suppress the report, the Virtuous Liberty Party passed the Telecommunications and Publications Act of 1968, which established the Media Bureau to suppress “unpatriotic, immoral works”. Prime Minister Hong had originally presented it only to regulate international publications, but the Virtuous party faithful drastically expanded it. Representative Ming attempted to read the report in full at the People's House, but the Prime Minister used his privilege to end ongoing discussions with a two-thirds vote to prevent him from doing this.
It was on this occasion that on October 20th 1968, an aged Empress Shi Guìyīng gave a speech to the public for the first time in years outside of short messages at festivals: “I have found in my years that in just moments a free country can become one where the people are a slave to their rulers, who seek to tie their hands and cut their tongues for those who speak harsh truths. Forty years ago, I pronounced the Speech Liberty Act to stop the censorship that had been promoted under the harsh and heavy hand of Shi Jūn, who fancied himself a moral exemplar, a superior. Now we see a generation's worth of progress being wiped away, and I will not stand for it. I hereby decree the repeal of the Telecommunications and Publications Act, to protect our liberties once more from those who believe themselves to be patriots, while betraying the values that we have come to embrace through the sacrifice of far too many.”
Prime Minister Hong Wenchang was widely expected to resign, but he did not. He instead almost completely disappeared from the public spotlight except for procedural duties in the People's House, refused to answer questions, and made no new proclamations for a few days. The Representatives who co-sponsored the bill resigned from the party and issued public apologies. Prime Minister Hong addressed the People's House: “what this debacle has convinced me of is the need for a Bill of Rights to be added to our Constitution, so that our freedoms are not contingent upon the whims of the Congress or the Imperial Throne.”
He thus led both chambers of the Imperial Congress to pass the following nearly unanimously on July 7th 1969, borrowing heavily from earlier drafts presented by the now defunct New Order Association:
“Amendment XVII. All people shall have freedom of conscience, movement, expression and assembly. The freedom of movement may be abridged, and only then when it is pursuant to a guilty verdict. All people shall have freedom from slavery, torture, and exile.
Amendment XVIII. All persons shall be treated equally before the law.
Amendment XIX. All shall be secure in their person, residency and effects from law enforcement officials unless they have attained a warrant from a judicial authority in that jurisdiction.”
Shortly thereafter, a case appealed to the Imperial Court from inferior courts in Pingnan Guo ruled that “discrimination against Muslims, and any minority, is a violation of the constitution”, a major step forward in civil rights for the Holy Chinese Empire. The original controversy was overshadowed by these amendments, and Prime Minister Hong skyrocketed in popularity, especially in Xi'an. The Pingnan Guo Reclamation Party's leader Ma Ziyi attempted to maintain political relevancy by calling for the reclamation of the Great Christ Temple, and reiterating the events of the Bloody Harvest in leaflets to his constituents. The economy remained solid for the 1969-1970 fiscal year, and Prime Minister Hong trumpeted a record of domestic policy success, while Zhou Ming campaigned on his “compassionate austerity” platform.
The 1970 elections:
477- Virtuous Liberty Party
165- New Social Party
11- Manchurian Independence Party
9- Pingnan Guo Reclamation Party
(332 Majority, 662 Total)
The economic growth and peace continued into 1975, with minimal losses in seats as Prime Minister Hong continued his lengthy tenure. The Holy Chinese Empire was rapidly modernizing, as subsidies were given for the development of microelectronics and computer technology in 1977 with Project Amber Dreams, as the sleek Steel-Silk style of architecture became popular in the bustling metropolis of Tianjing. Several gigantic corporations began to rise, including Chenliji-Tong Ren Tang Pharmaceuticals, Wangmazi General Conglomerate, Luzhou Laojiao Beverages Corporation, Zhang Automotive Group, Sunset Studios, Lin Electronics Group, and of course, the Tianjing Banking Corporation, the largest financial institution in the world aside from Wells-Schiff Bank in the United States. By 1979, the Holy Chinese Empire had become one of the most powerful nations in the entire world.
The Battle of Batan Island was the first in the Chinese intervention in the Katagalugan Civil War, wherein the Heavenly Navy and the Imperial Domineering Air Force severely crippled the offensive capability of the Tagalog National Navy in its entirety over the course of three days. After establishing a beachhead, the Holy Imperial Army began to make inroads in Luzon. Nationalist and Bayanihanist guerrillas exchanged fire throughout the campaign, with the former shredding the inexperience HIA with all of their fighting knowledge gleaned from battling the more battle-hardened French colonial forces.
The Holy Chinese Empire pressured the Empire of Japan to cease its support of the Nationalist forces, and threatened to invade Korea to oust the pro-Japanese government there, something France was never willing to do. As a show of force, on July 15th 1963, the biggest chemical weapons attack at that point in history was carried out by the IDAF, which dropped numerous nerve agents on the Nationalist soldiers defending Manila. Hundreds of thousands of enemy troops and civilians died in the attack. Field Marshal Yang Yaowen said this in English during a radio broadcast aimed at the Nationalist forces: “We will bomb and gas every god forsaken jungle, village and city that sides with the Nationalist dogs.”
The Commander-in-Chief of the Tagalog Armed Forces, Aklan Aguinaldo, retreated from Manila and declared “we shall never surrender! Not to the French, and certainly not to the Chinese!” Nonetheless, the Empire of Japan renegotiated the Tagalog-Japanese Treaty of Friendship with Bayanihanist leader, Paul “Papa Paul” Marquez, and Prime Minister Hong Wenchang, renouncing Japanese basing rights, preferential tariffs, equal access to resources, and other provisions. Japan also promised to remain uninvolved in the region “in perpetuity”.
With the Nationalist forces without their outside supplier, Papa Paul felt secure enough in his position to establish the Bayanihanist Republic of Katagalugan in Manila, stating: “we will not be free until the legacy of colonialism is stamped out of our homeland. We will water the garden of true democracy with the blood of the bourgeoisie, clergymen, and collaborators.” The Holy Chinese Empire slowly withdrew its ground forces, and sold military equipment to the fledgling state by 1964. The Katagalugan Civil War continued on with the Nationalist insurgency against the Bayanihanist government, which was beginning to intensify, but the public viewed the war as a massive victory for China over Japan.
The 1965 elections were thus kind to incumbent Prime Minister Hong:
445- Virtuous Liberty Party
103- New Order Association
63- Social Syndicalist Party
39- Pingnan Guo Reclamation Party
13- Manchurian Independence Party
(332 Majority, 662 Total)
The Virtuous Liberty Party had won a two-thirds majority in its own right in the People's House. In many constituencies, the vote was split between the New Order Association and the Social Syndicalist Party, which were nearly even in the polls and ultimately in the popular vote totals despite the differing seat levels.
“I'll always be thankful for that glorious little war,” said Prime Minister Hong in his journals.
Chapter 18: New Challenges, New Freedoms
Open ascending to his second term as Prime Minister, Hong Wenchang used his two-thirds majority in the People's House to renovate the Holy Chinese Empire's transportation. The National Public Roads Initiative (NPRI) saw the laying of kilometers upon kilometers of paved roads for use by automobiles, while the government also slashed taxes on gasoline to almost non-existent levels. The Holy Imperial Army was used extensively as construction workers, as the Imperial Council sharply criticized the NPRI for cutting taxes while increasing spending, causing a dramatic upward tick in both debt and economic growth.
Meanwhile, Kǒng Dafa of the New Order Association resigned from the party and retired from the politics due to the disappointing results of the 1965 elections. On March 21st 1966, New Order Representatives voted in Zhou Ming of the Social Syndicalist Party as their new party Chairman, who then announced the combination of the two center-left parties as the New Social Party of China. The “'66 Platform” promised an end to the gold standard, more progressive taxation, reintroduction of anti-Trust legislation, and a drastic reduction of military spending. “Prime Minister Hong doesn't under finance,” said Representative Ming, “you can't just spend and spend like there's no tomorrow while letting the market run wild. We need a compassionate austerity to preserve our prosperity.”
Domestic policy soon took a backseat to foreign policy however as on September 7th 1968, the Katagalugan Civil War came to a close. The Tagalog National Armed Forces defeated the Bayanihanist government, but not before the latter had massacred over 2.3 million civilians in the Katagalugan Genocide (1963-1967). Paul “Papa Paul” Marquez shot himself as the Nationalists closed in on his bunker in Manila, but his living subordinates were found guilty of crimes against humanity by the World Court. Commander Aklan Aguinaldo was subsequently elected President of Katagalugan with almost no opposition.
A general human rights inquiry published in October 1968 by the International Liberty League condemned the Holy Chinese Empire for “waging a war of aggression, using chemical weapons, explicitly failing to recognize the difference between combatant and civilian, and aiding a government itself guilty of committing crimes against humanity” during the course of the conflict. To suppress the report, the Virtuous Liberty Party passed the Telecommunications and Publications Act of 1968, which established the Media Bureau to suppress “unpatriotic, immoral works”. Prime Minister Hong had originally presented it only to regulate international publications, but the Virtuous party faithful drastically expanded it. Representative Ming attempted to read the report in full at the People's House, but the Prime Minister used his privilege to end ongoing discussions with a two-thirds vote to prevent him from doing this.
It was on this occasion that on October 20th 1968, an aged Empress Shi Guìyīng gave a speech to the public for the first time in years outside of short messages at festivals: “I have found in my years that in just moments a free country can become one where the people are a slave to their rulers, who seek to tie their hands and cut their tongues for those who speak harsh truths. Forty years ago, I pronounced the Speech Liberty Act to stop the censorship that had been promoted under the harsh and heavy hand of Shi Jūn, who fancied himself a moral exemplar, a superior. Now we see a generation's worth of progress being wiped away, and I will not stand for it. I hereby decree the repeal of the Telecommunications and Publications Act, to protect our liberties once more from those who believe themselves to be patriots, while betraying the values that we have come to embrace through the sacrifice of far too many.”
Prime Minister Hong Wenchang was widely expected to resign, but he did not. He instead almost completely disappeared from the public spotlight except for procedural duties in the People's House, refused to answer questions, and made no new proclamations for a few days. The Representatives who co-sponsored the bill resigned from the party and issued public apologies. Prime Minister Hong addressed the People's House: “what this debacle has convinced me of is the need for a Bill of Rights to be added to our Constitution, so that our freedoms are not contingent upon the whims of the Congress or the Imperial Throne.”
He thus led both chambers of the Imperial Congress to pass the following nearly unanimously on July 7th 1969, borrowing heavily from earlier drafts presented by the now defunct New Order Association:
“Amendment XVII. All people shall have freedom of conscience, movement, expression and assembly. The freedom of movement may be abridged, and only then when it is pursuant to a guilty verdict. All people shall have freedom from slavery, torture, and exile.
Amendment XVIII. All persons shall be treated equally before the law.
Amendment XIX. All shall be secure in their person, residency and effects from law enforcement officials unless they have attained a warrant from a judicial authority in that jurisdiction.”
Shortly thereafter, a case appealed to the Imperial Court from inferior courts in Pingnan Guo ruled that “discrimination against Muslims, and any minority, is a violation of the constitution”, a major step forward in civil rights for the Holy Chinese Empire. The original controversy was overshadowed by these amendments, and Prime Minister Hong skyrocketed in popularity, especially in Xi'an. The Pingnan Guo Reclamation Party's leader Ma Ziyi attempted to maintain political relevancy by calling for the reclamation of the Great Christ Temple, and reiterating the events of the Bloody Harvest in leaflets to his constituents. The economy remained solid for the 1969-1970 fiscal year, and Prime Minister Hong trumpeted a record of domestic policy success, while Zhou Ming campaigned on his “compassionate austerity” platform.
The 1970 elections:
477- Virtuous Liberty Party
165- New Social Party
11- Manchurian Independence Party
9- Pingnan Guo Reclamation Party
(332 Majority, 662 Total)
The economic growth and peace continued into 1975, with minimal losses in seats as Prime Minister Hong continued his lengthy tenure. The Holy Chinese Empire was rapidly modernizing, as subsidies were given for the development of microelectronics and computer technology in 1977 with Project Amber Dreams, as the sleek Steel-Silk style of architecture became popular in the bustling metropolis of Tianjing. Several gigantic corporations began to rise, including Chenliji-Tong Ren Tang Pharmaceuticals, Wangmazi General Conglomerate, Luzhou Laojiao Beverages Corporation, Zhang Automotive Group, Sunset Studios, Lin Electronics Group, and of course, the Tianjing Banking Corporation, the largest financial institution in the world aside from Wells-Schiff Bank in the United States. By 1979, the Holy Chinese Empire had become one of the most powerful nations in the entire world.